Monthly Archives: March 2014

“Our Movement: One Woman’s Story” Discussion Post

I found it fascinating that Carmen began her life of political activism through such a small, personal group who made up the Puerto Ricans For Self-Determination. This fact makes me understand political activism and agency for Carmen and other Chicana individuals as extremely grounded and personal. Instead of joining a massive group from the start, Carmen joined a small collective of peers who truly were interested in learning about the issues and finding their voices and opinions about them. While reading I felt like by doing this it gave Carmen more of a voice. I found it extremely disheartening to hear about the continued sexism found in the PSP. It seemed like the organization was so advanced in their thinking on certain issues pertaining to race and economy, however, they were still stuck in traditional views on gender. By the end of Carmen’s testimonial, I comprehended that she was continuing to fight for the issues important to her, but I couldn’t help but feel a bit defeated. Carmen tried both radical forces of change through PSP as well as working inside the government to achieve an end to oppression, however neither of these methods ended in success. In the end Carmen states that it needs to be a collective push towards justice and equality, not one person or organization’s fight. If organizations are a community’s way of assembling, how does Carmen propose society move toward justice?

“On Women in the Revolution”/”New Voices of La Raza” Discussion Post

This week’s readings all showed personal accounts and opinions on the issue of Chicana issues and rights. One major theme that I saw throughout many of the excerpts was the idea of triple oppression on Chicana women. Due to the prevalent ‘machismo’ image in the culture, Chicana women are oppressed by three separate forces: racism because of their nationality, exploitation because of their economic role, and sexism due to their societal duties. Machismo acted out by men, pushes Chicana women further into the sexually objectified and domestic status. I found it interesting and disheartening that regardless of where they situated themselves, whether it be solely in the household or in the public workforce, Chicana women could not get away from institutionalized oppression in society.

Historiographical Essay Plan

Topic/Preliminary Argument:

For the historiographical essay, I would like to look at how scholars have studied and written about undocumented Latino children and their course of shifting from the culture they were born in, to the jarringly different culture of the United States. In the course, the class has mainly focused on discussing adult immigrants and then future generations of those immigrants who are born in the United States. Observing this, I began to question what groups we had not had a chance to learn a lot about. Children who immigrate illegally into the United States in their youth probably have a completely different experience than the established adult immigrants. I am interested in seeing how scholars have looked at undocumented children and the effects that come from immigrating at such a formative time for their development and maturity. I have not found any scholarly work about undocumented child immigrants earlier than 2010, which means it is a very new idea in the academic realm. In the articles that I have read, I see a pattern of education being core issue discussed when looking at areas of hardships for the children. Education seems to be at the center of the earlier literature, while the newer articles have a more comprehensive look at effects on youth. If I continue to see this pattern while reading, I think this might be a good direction to go for my paper.

 

 

Current Sources:

Abrego, Leisy J. “Legal Consciousness of Undocumented Latinos: Fear and Stigma as Barriers to Claims-Making for First- and 1.5-Generation Immigrants.” Law & Society Review 45.2 (2011): 337-69. JSTOR. Web. 10 Mar. 2014.

 

Gonzales, Roberto G., and Leo R. Chavez. ““Awakening to a Nightmare”: Abjectivity and Illegality in the Lives of Undocumented 1.5-Generation Latino Immigrants in the United States.” Current Anthropology 53.3 (2012): 255-81. JSTOR. Web. 10 Mar. 2014.

 

Gonzales, Roberto G. “Learning to Be Illegal: Undocumented Youth and Shifting Legal Contexts in the Transition to Adulthood.” American Sociological Review 76.4 (2011): 602-19. JSTOR. Web. 10 Mar. 2014.

 

Silver, Alexis. “Aging Into Exclusion And Social Transparency: Undocumented Immigrant Youth And The Transition To Adulthood.” Latino Studies 10.4 (2012): 499-522. Chicano Database. Web. 10 Mar. 2014.

 

Rojas-Garcia, Georgina. “Transitioning from School to Work as a Mexican 1.5er: Upward Mobility and Glass-Ceiling Assimilation among College Students in California.” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 648 (2013): 87-101. JSTOR. Web. 10 Mar. 2014.

“Labor Migrants or Submissive Wives” Discussion Post

I find it interesting that (generally) in the readings that our class had done thus far, as well as our group discussion twice a week, the domestic realm has been very clearly separated from the working, public realm. In contrast to this, the Puerto Rican women immigrants in this week’s reading, “Labor Migrants or Submissive Wives,” view duties in the domestic realm as a form of work in itself. I very much agree with points that are made on this idea. While reading this chapter, I kept thinking about the phrase “There’s no tougher job than being a mom.” Even in today’s society, much of the general public see women who choose to stay at home and focus on raising their children as as not working. I find it sad that women still have to justify their personal decision of whether or not to work in the home rather than outside. While they aren’t employed in the typical sense, I understand how the Puerto Rican women spoken about in the reading can view household duties as work in itself, due to the necessary energy and time commitment.

The “Whiteness” of Mexican Americans Critical Essay

In 1848, the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo recognized the legal status of Mexican Americans as white. Though in society Mexican immigrants were not treated as such, during the wartime of the 1940s, Mexican American men and women asserted this “whiteness” to differentiate themselves from the other minority populations as well as claim certain privileges. The government enacted the change in legal status, using it a tool to uphold the racial hierarchical structure previously established in United States. However, the “whiteness” actually resulted in Mexican American youth moving away from homogenizing with white culture, instead forming their own unique culture and identity through the pachuca figure.

The status of Mexican Americans as technically white altered the racial relationship in the United States, principally when women gained access to the workforce and began to interact with other races. Though people of Mexican descent were not received as white in any aspect of society, their legal status of being white, or at least not being defined as “colored” shifted the relationship between Mexican Americans and other minority groups. This “whiteness,” “…shield[ed] Mexicans, to some extent, from the legalized and at times more pervasive forms of segregation and exclusion blacks faced.” (Escobedo, 97) In employment opportunities, Mexican Americans were preferred over African Americans. Though people of Mexican descent had the lowest level factory jobs, they were still seen as superior to African Americans who were, “…completely shut out of industrial jobs for much of the twentieth century.” (89) The United States government used the “almost white” legal status of Mexican Americans to their advantage, employing it as a tactic to pit marginalized groups against each other. As minority women joined the workforce in wartime, suddenly anti-Black racism from Mexican Americans could be seen. In 1943, a group of Mexican workers, “…made pointed claims to privileges of ‘whiteness’ by refusing to share facilities and work side by side with African Americans.” (98) With their “whiteness,” Mexican Americans had been given a commonality with white citizens, thus elevating them above the African American population. This legal ploy prevented minority groups from banning together to upset the established hierarchy of race. Instead, it placed groups as enemies through an invented, imbalanced relationship.

Yet, the status of “almost white” did not result in Mexican Americans assimilating with the white culture. In actuality, Mexican American youth responded by “…blatantly rebel[ing] against social conventions.” (18) Though legal “whiteness” placed them above other minorities, second-generation Mexican youth began to understand that they would never be truly seen as a white Americans. Always, there would be things inherently out of their reach. In response to their racial ambiguity in American society, Mexican American youth formed the pachuco identity. Soon young women were altering this image to construct the pachuca image. Through the creation of the pachuca, “…women who wore the zoot style participated in a racialized, collective identity that helped them escape their feelings about being outsiders in the United States by claiming an affirming identity as outsiders in the United States.” (38) Instead of being placed in the role of “other” by the American society, young Mexican American women chose to build their own identity, actively marking themselves as abnormal in the current society. The creation of the pachuca character illustrated an awareness from the Mexican American youth. They recognized the reality of their place in the United States and chose to change it. The second generation of Mexican immigrants understood the complex concept that, “…being American did not necessitate erasure of every semblance of their cultural heritage.” (39) Mexican Americans did not need to assimilate to the white culture to embody the American spirit; rather they could preserve their cultural traditions and choose their own identity for how they wished to be seen.

The United States government employed the legal status of Mexican American citizens’ race for their own advantage. Though the division of minority groups did occur, Mexican American youth resisted conforming to white culture. Instead, the younger generations created the pachuca identity, one that clearly pushed social norms and conventions. Ultimately the new character let the second-generation Mexican Americans escape their position in the nation. The identity gave young Mexican Americans freedom from the indistinctness of their role in the United States, as well as ultimate control over how larger society perceived them.